Second, instead of aligning the map with the array as in warm-up trials, the map was rotated with respect to the array and appeared at different orientations within a single trial, and four location-memory checks were administered instead of one, one at each of four map orientations. Third, the symbols on the map were referred to either lexically or with anaphora by the names of their referents, which may have cued the child that the map was providing information about the 3D array of objects but provided no cue to the correct referent. On each trial, the label was given once and followed by anaphoric reference: The experiment was videotaped by an overhead camera.
Responses on the location-memory checks were coded by the main experimenter as they occurred, for the maps could not be seen clearly from this video record. The critical data from the object placement trials were coded from the video record by trained observers. A child was judged to have designated a location when the doll was unambiguously placed on or in one of the referent objects.
We address this issue in two ways in our analyses. Preliminary analyses of variance revealed no effects of gender or order of trial blocks on any dependent measure, so subsequent analyses collapsed over these variables. The following analyses focus on sensitivity to specific geometric relations. We asked first whether children were sensitive to the geometric relation sense , defined by their ability to distinguish between the two base corners on triangle trials. Each graph shows the proportion of correct placing at each location indicated in the schematic diagrams to the right of each graph , as a function of the correct target location.
The top graph shows data for the triangular array in Experiment 1, the middle graph shows data for the linear array in Experiment 1, and the bottom graph shows the data from Experiment 2. Note that only locations A and C were tested in Experiment 2. Across two arrays of objects, children used maps as cues to where to place an object in the array. This result is particularly striking in light of evidence that these children have only recently begun to achieve representational insight into pictorial symbols e.
Like the 4-year-old children tested in past studies using similar arrays Shusterman et al. Moreover, one could reasonably object to our claim to have demonstrated abstract map use. Our maps were not entirely devoid of visual similarity to their referents, as they were roughly of the same color and shape. To what extent do children rely on similarity between symbols and referents to make use of maps? This finding motivates a further exploration of 2.
The triangular object array used in Experiment 1 was placed within a 3D triangular enclosure, and the map made reference to the array solely by the presence of a triangular outline denoting this enclosure see Figure 1. To designate the target object, the puppet pointed to an empty corner of the triangle. The task therefore required children to grasp the correspondence between real-world objects and a representation that contains no markings whatsoever for those objects.
Because children in Experiment 1 and prior studies: Five more children failed to complete the experiment due to fussiness or distraction. The three buckets from Experiment 1 were arranged in an isosceles triangle and surrounded by a red enclosure 1. The map consisted of a red outline triangle 7cm base, No warm-up trials or linear trials were given.
All children received two test trials, one at the distant location, and one at the proximate location furthest from them A and C in Figure 2 , respectively. Note that, because only one proximate location was designated as target, we cannot interpret performance at that location as indicating sensitivity to sense, as it could also depend on a preference for that particular location. There were no effects of gender on the performance variables of interest, so the following analyses collapse across this variable.
In summary, children could use a map of a triangular array that had no actual markings for the entities in the array. Experiment 2 thus suggests that young children can achieve representational insight into a symbol that minimally depicts the appearance of the referent array, and it further confirms the conclusion of Experiment 1 that 2.
Although performance in Experiment 2 did not differ reliably from performance on the corresponding trials of Experiment 1, children performed at least as well, and possibly better, on the more abstract geometric map task of Experiment 2. Across two experiments, 2. At an age at which representational understanding is just beginning to develop, children can use a symbol whose referents are distinguished only by metric information of angle or distance.
Children represented at least some of the spatially invariant properties that link a map to the world to which it refers despite differences between the map and array in size, mobility, orientation, dimensionality and perspective. The present research therefore suggests that by age 2. Second, these experiments reveal an early ability to interpret highly abstract symbols—both in the sense of abstracting away from the embedded perspective of the array towards a birds-eye view, and in the sense of providing few visual cues to the identity of the referents—including a symbol with no markings whatsoever for most of the 3D objects it referred to.
The maps used in the present studies, even though they matched their referents in approximate shape and color, provided no identifying cues about each target and were far more abstract than the images used in prior studies on early symbolic understanding. These studies give an existence proof that young children can interpret even images that do not look like what they represent, and therefore cast doubt on the suggestion that 2-year-old children can only interpret pictures to the extent that they can call up unique names for each referent Callaghan, However, the findings still leave open different possible roles for language in the development of symbolic understanding, because the process of language acquisition is well underway at the ages we tested, and because both the maps and the locations they depicted were described verbally.
There is no doubt that children of this age are steeped in visual symbols, and that there is spatial information latent in pictures: Nevertheless, the maps that we presented to children differed markedly from the pictures children typically encounter.
From Baby to Big Kid: Month 28
Moreover, children made sense of these maps without any training or feedback. If children extrapolated from their experience with pictures to solve our tasks, then they must represent the geometrical structure of pictures with a high degree of flexibility and abstractness. It is important also to locate the present research within the context of the larger literature on developing map-reading skills. In particular, we are still in need of an explanation for why children succeeded when in prior studies older children had difficulty using geometric strategies in similar tasks.
We give 4 possible answers to this question. Our maps may have implicitly served to orient attention to spatial information by using only spatial cues as identifying information. On the other hand, one might wonder why children did not perform better in our tasks, if by age 2.
An initial non-spatial strategy, then, would have gone uncorrected. By using same-name objects as targets, moreover, we produced a particularly stringent test of map use that required that children ignore the correspondence between the label of the correct location and those of each distracter. Such transformations often are difficult for very young children e. Many further aspects of map reading were not tested by our experiments.
In particular, our maps referred to a small number of objects in a small room, whereas most maps depict large-scale spaces that cannot be seen from a single vantage point. Many studies make clear that much experience is needed to master modern mapping conventions, and that difficulty interpreting complex metric maps persists even in adulthood see, Liben, , for a review.
More generally, although our experiments show conclusively that children used geometric information in the present tasks—in particular, distance or angle in the triangle arrays and the topological property of betweenness in the linear array—they leave open precisely what geometric information children encoded in our experiments, and at what level that information was represented. We view this issue as the task of future research. In summary, the present studies suggest a markedly early development of understanding geometric symbols, and add support to the claim that fundamental aspects of map reading come naturally to young children.
Their data on choice of referent were included in subsequent analyses. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Author manuscript; available in PMC Sep 1. Nathan Winkler-Rhoades , Susan C.
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Carey , and Elizabeth S. The publisher's final edited version of this article is available at Dev Sci. See other articles in PMC that cite the published article. Abstract In two experiments, 2. Summary We have reviewed evidence that from infancy, the faculty for reasoning about space may be developed enough to allow for interpreting the spatial information in maps. Overview of the present studies Two experiments investigate whether children can interpret purely geometric maps at an early point in the development of their understanding of visual symbols.
Experiment 1 In Experiment 1, children were asked to place a puppet in or on one of three identical objects chairs or buckets after the intended target was indicated on a 2D map of the array. Open in a separate window. Materials and apparatus Testing took place in a 3. Design Test trials were blocked by array type linear or triangular , with block order counterbalanced across children. Procedure The objects used on each trial were presented at the start of each trial. The training objects are arranged, C is told the nature of the game, and the training map is introduced.
C faces E with the two training objects and map in between them as E indicates the correct 2D target. Over a period of 6 to 7 weeks, the researcher engaged children, selected because they had the lowest language skills, with resulting strong positive effects on standardized measures of language. The authors of this paper concluded,.
The implementation of this intervention in a regular Mexican day care center is relevant to the potential application of early intervention programs in underdeveloped countries. These countries lack the economic resources to conduct thorough, intensive intervention programs such as Head Start. Language acquisition occurs in the context of intimate interactions between adults and children. Woven into these interactions are periods of joint attention when adult and child attend to the same object or event. Such dynamics give rise to strong affective bonds between mothers and children that also foster language growth [ 82 ].
Researchers interested in mother-child attachment have found that the quality of attachment is related to how children engage in book reading, with more securely attached children more likely to be able to establish and maintain joint attention with their mothers and with fewer disruptions caused by the need for discipline [ ].
The most well-developed such method is playing and learning strategies PALSs , a program for coaching maternal responsiveness [ , ]. Children of mothers who participated were more communicative and cooperative [ ]. A similar approach has been developed for use in the offices of pediatricians [ ].
In one study, dyads were assigned to either VIP or control groups, and analysis of book reading events found significant effects on children for mothers with at least a 7th grade education see, [ ]. Research continues to explore the impact of VIP, with evidence that it results in improved sensitivity in parenting, lessens disruptive behaviors, and enhances cognitive and language development [ ]. Studies of book reading have found evidence that children begin to benefit when regular reading begins as early as 8 months and that children benefit most from regular reading routines that include sensitive and responsive, language-rich interactional routines.
Evidence from multiple countries suggests that the simple act of providing books to families can increase the frequency of reading, of library use and may have beneficial effects on interactions around books. By and large studies of distribution programs have been relatively small in scale and lacking in resources to conduct rigorous research. Data sometimes is not collected prior to or at the beginning of the intervention, random assignment to condition is very rare, and parent reports often are the primary form of data.
This type of research may well provide feedback to programs that is of value, but additional rigor is needed if strong conclusions are to be drawn. Research on book reading has been concentrated in the United States, Europe, and Israel so it is difficult to know the extent to which findings can generalize to developing nations.
One study conducted in Chile examined reading practices among families from different SES backgrounds [ ]. This pattern of acquisition suggests that these books are often of poor quality and that many may be simply coloring books or books of stickers. Indeed, issues of access may become increasingly common even in communities in economically advantaged areas as the number of bookstores dwindles under pressures from electronic distribution systems.
Internet-based purchases of books are on the rise. In the future, differential access to the internet and associated access to credit could translate into differential access to books, further disadvantaging the poorest families. Across studies conducted with different populations, there is the consistent finding that the educational level of parents affects reading, with more well-educated parents typically adopting more supportive methods. As is the case in the United States, there are also likely differences in approaches to book reading among ethnic groups.
Support for this point comes from the Netherlands where interactions of Surinamese-Dutch mothers were compared with those of Turkish-Dutch and Dutch mothers. Differences in the amount of talk were associated with literacy level, but ethnic differences that may have been associated with beliefs about child rearing also affected how mothers read [ ]. Caution is advised, however, before presuming that SES differences are always the key variable in book reading interactions. Chilean middle and lower SES mothers of to month-old infants were observed interacting with their children [ ].
In addition, the Huebner and Meltzoff [ ] study conducted in the United States with parents from different backgrounds found that dialogic reading methods were not spontaneously used by parents [ ]. Thus, any intervention should assume that all parents may find some of the methods being recommended to be novel. A recent analysis of a huge database of interview data from over 70, cases drawn from 27 countries representing the full spectrum of political philosophy e. After controlling for income, education, time in history, and country of origin, the authors found that the number of books owned led to substantial increases in the years children attended school.
The impact of book ownership is greatest among families with the least education and the fewest books. Across all countries, they found that, among families with no formal education, the impact of owning 25 books instead of none, was two additional years of schooling. If they owned books this translated into two more years of schooling. In parents with primary grade schooling 8. These are correlations; therefore, one cannot presume that putting 25 more books in homes will result in such changes in schooling.
What the data do indicate is that families whose value structures are such that they have acquired books, kept them, and passed them down from one generation to the next value schooling and learning. Although simply giving books may not create a scholarly orientation in families, interventions can help parents and babies experience the pleasures of reading and instill a love of reading and books that might nourish attitudes that lead to placing a higher value on education.
Much of the research that has been done has examined the effects of a small set of approaches, many of which may not be feasible to employ in developing countries or in poorly resourced communities in Western countries. Research is needed to understand alternative ways of delivering books and guidance in their use and into examination of how these services are and are not taken up by families. Data on the impact of interventions on attitudes and reported practices is useful and inexpensive to collect but is subject to bias on the part of respondents.
Much remains to be learned about specific ways that family practices are affected by interventions and the extent to which such changes have enduring effects. Book programs often spring from community sources, and research tends to be done with a limited budget and, as a result, lacks elements found in rigorous scientific research. In many developing countries, research funding is quite limited, but effort should be made to conduct at least small-scale studies before scarce resources are spent on programs that may be well meaning but of limited value. Critical issues worthy of such investigation include the following.
Can and do they access the service? Can they receive the material regularly enough to benefit? Are they motivated to participate? Can they understand the training? Are the things to be read in a language they can read and understand? How are the services and material delivered? Is the required level of expertise for delivering the service available? What are motivations for the entity delivering the service to provide it and does it maintain the quality required for success. In other words, the fidelity with which the program is delivered should be studied. A pilot study should be used to ensure that the approaches being considered will be feasible given the resources and the context.
Research that is done should be conducted in as rigorous a manner as possible given the context. Projects should consider the following strategies that can help address methodological flaws that are present in some of the following prior studies. If random assignment is not possible try to identify those who are as similar as possible to those receiving services. Collect the same data from these subjects as is collected from the sample receiving the services.
Limit asking for recollection of long-past events. Use phone calls, surveys, or other data collection that asks about recent activities e. Such data might be collected on selected cases if it is not possible to do so for the full sample. Observations of book reading and direct assessment of children yield the strongest data. To an extent, the power of these years springs from the fact that the brain is maturing rapidly and is sensitive to environmental stimulation or lack thereof.
Also, this is the time when linguistic, cognitive, affective, and regulatory systems are developing and becoming interdependent. As parents read with children, they have the opportunity for frequent, sensitively tuned, language-rich interactions that draw children into conversations about books, the world, language and concepts.
However, most parents do not spontaneously make the most of the opportunities that books present and many lack access to high quality books. Multiple programs from several countries have demonstrated that these twin challenges can be met. Large-scale distribution of high quality books and useful information is possible when coordinated through existing respected community agencies, especially if parents are responsive to and benefit from advice regarding how to best engage their child.
Further, when the distribution of books is accompanied by guidance in how to read those books, there is enormous potential to enhance reading and self-regulatory competencies. Subscribe to Table of Contents Alerts. Table of Contents Alerts. Abstract Research on literacy development is increasingly making clear the centrality of oral language to long-term literacy development, with longitudinal studies revealing the continuity between language ability in the preschool years and later reading.
Introduction For roughly forty years, researchers interested in early reading and language development have studied the effects of early home and preschool experiences. Language and Reading 2. Language and the Reading Process Reading comprehension is critical for long-term academic success and is dependent on language abilities that emerge early in life. Language Organizes and Interfaces with Multiple Domains The blossoming of language occurs at the same time that other conceptual and behavioral competencies are taking shape, providing the opportunity for language to influence and be influenced by multiple developmental domains.
Early Language Learning Sets the Stage for Later Learning As language competencies emerge, they exert profound effects on conceptual, social, and affective functioning and build linguistic competencies that make subsequent language learning easier [ 48 ]. Children Learn Words When They Are Interested Bloom [ 73 ] summarized research showing that language learning occurs best when talk is about objects or actions of immediate interest to children.
Children Learn Best When Adults Are Responsive to Them Young children benefit from interacting with adults who offer prompt, contingent, and appropriate reactions to their utterances [ 78 , 79 ], for example, parents who take turns, share periods of joint focus, and express positive affect [ 77 , 80 ]. The Power of Book Reading in Instantiating the Six Principles of Language Learning Reading storybooks to children maximizes the kinds of experiences that predict language learning and may even exceed the power of oral conversations at times.
Supporting Language Development between Birth and Age Three The evidence we have presented builds a strong case for the importance of making language a primary focus for early interventions. Book Distribution Programs, Effectiveness, and Recommendations Recognition of the potential power of book reading to foster language and literacy has resulted in rapid spread of programs that distribute books to parents. European Programs The most impressive research on European book programs examined Bookstart, a program that has been widely implemented in the United Kingdom.
Programs Based in the United States In the United States, book distribution programs also have been developed and studied, but, in many cases, they also provide advice related to book use. Dimensions of Book Reading Associated with Enhanced Development While simply creating opportunities for parents and caregivers to read to children has predictable beneficial effects, research has identified a number of dimensions of book reading that are associated with greater effects. Frequency and Age of Onset of Book Reading The most fundamental issue relating to the impact of reading on children is reading frequency.
Observational Studies Variation in how books are read and discussed has been found to be important. The authors of this paper concluded, The implementation of this intervention in a regular Mexican day care center is relevant to the potential application of early intervention programs in underdeveloped countries. Attachment and Responsiveness Language acquisition occurs in the context of intimate interactions between adults and children. Summary Studies of book reading have found evidence that children begin to benefit when regular reading begins as early as 8 months and that children benefit most from regular reading routines that include sensitive and responsive, language-rich interactional routines.
Implications for Nonwestern and Developing Nations Research on book reading has been concentrated in the United States, Europe, and Israel so it is difficult to know the extent to which findings can generalize to developing nations. Future Research Much of the research that has been done has examined the effects of a small set of approaches, many of which may not be feasible to employ in developing countries or in poorly resourced communities in Western countries. View at Google Scholar C. View at Google Scholar E. View at Google Scholar N. View at Google Scholar R.
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Maps and children’s spatial understanding
View at Google Scholar K. What do you mean it is too little? Because the flower's tall. How do you think we can measure the flower? I'll do it with my hand. How are you going to use the ruler to measure? Here, I'll show you. I'll make my hand go up. Oh, I see you are connecting your hand to the ruler for the rest of the flower's height. What can we connect? Your hand doesn't have numbers, so how will we measure? How can we tell how long your arm is?
My mommy said I can't draw on my arm. Ok, how can we know how long your arm is? I studied the photographs and transcriptions over and over. At first, I didn't know what Danielle meant about how she was using her arm to help her measure. I kept photographing her as she talked to me about how she would extend the ruler with her arm to make a long enough tool to measure the lilies. Angie was not only photographing for the moment but also for broader purposes. In the moment, Angie used the photographs to help Danielle revisit her strategies of inquiry for determining how to measure a tall flower with a ruler that was shorter than the flower.
On a broader level, Angie further developed her own focus of inquiry through her study and guidance of Danielle's cycle of inquiry. As Danielle talked to me, she used two words much and old that aren't usually used to describe height. I kept asking her [clarifying] questions because while I believed she understood what she meant, I was still confused. When the flower comes to my hand, then we'll count the numbers: But what is much? Are we talking about how tall or how old?
It is just this tall, okay? Let's measure the tall one. I hope it goes up to my arm up here pointing to the edge of her shoulder again. I have to go down for 1. That's 16 much old. The next day, Angie invited Danielle to revisit the series of photographs in order to help Angie clarify exactly how Danielle conceptualized extending the ruler using her arm to measure the lily.
Two-year-old children interpret abstract, purely geometric maps
In these photographs, Angie rechecks her interpretation of Danielle's thinking about measurement Figs. As they looked at the photographs together, Angie read Danielle's words to her. Danielle was able to restate her thinking to Angie and confirm Angie's original hypothesis. Angie says, "I learned that she had a far more sophisticated understanding of measurement than I knew, and I used this to plan other measuring activities for her. From here, Angie was able to create subsequent classroom tasks using manipulatives to continue to test Danielle's thinking strategy in another context Fig.
Angie presents Danielle with a new counting task back in the classroom. Through the coupling of transcriptions with photographs and by sharing these with Danielle, Angie decoded the information and constructed new understandings about Danielle's problem solving. Concurrently, Angie appropriated this strategy studying photographs with text and sharing it with others to refine and expand her repertoire of inquiry practices-even as she engaged in the metacognitive process of recognizing what she wanted to know and how she came to know it.
That is, there comes a time when focusing the camera lens, manipulating photographs, and reading transcriptions become a mental gestalt of actions that occur in the head of the teacher, with increasingly less reliance on the actual tools or actions themselves.
Thus, the epistemological function of photography contributes to teachers' knowledge about and processes of learning through inquiry. Photography makes visible the metacognitive processes of teaching and learning. The acts of focusing attention to capture images of classroom moments, manipulating photographs, studying transcripts, and developing interpretive meanings and text are processes that encourage the development of metacognition in teachers.
These processes are made visible through the act of documentation and are appropriated by teachers when inquiry becomes a habit of mind, even without the presence and manipulation of tools and documents. Photography as a language of inquiry is therefore generative and communicative-generative because through photography teachers construct new understandings and are more prepared to engage in subsequent similar activities and communicative because photography conveys and provokes meaning.
Thus, photography can be a powerful research tool for educating students and teachers in the construction and co-construction of knowledge about the processes of teaching and learning; and as well, photography is one way to make visible these same processes. In this article, we attempt to situate photography in teacher education within the broader frameworks of visual anthropology, visual sociology, photojournalism, and media literacy. For educators in the digital age, photography is an effective and rich resource that expands both the tools writing utensils, computers, tape recorders and the records field notes, work samples, transcriptions that we use in our classrooms to include cameras and photographs.
We present descriptions and examples of three functional applications of photography in classroom investigations. The representational, mediational, and epistemological functions of photography are useful in explaining how teachers use photography as a language of teacher inquiry. The use of photography as a functional language of inquiry in education is portrayed as a means for moving the field of education toward visual literacy.
Finally, early childhood education is a field in which visual documentation techniques are emerging, and as such, the functional categories of photography presented here are one means to give substance and clarity to our burgeoning understanding of praxis in a visually literate world. In this article, we chose specific examples from preschools and early elementary schools to illustrate each of these functions.
Although the examples are taken from early childhood classrooms, we believe that the information presented here has application to the broader field of education, precisely because of its inherent adaptability to cultural contexts. As educators learn to use photography to construct new understandings and to convey meaning in classroom contexts, it is our hope that this article provides one means by which they may begin to articulate their use of photography as both a generative and a communicative language of teacher inquiry.
Visual anthropology and visual sociology are more recent, secondary variations of the larger fields. Therefore, the focus of this article is on the use of still photography in teacher inquiry. These acts of recording, of documenting, are not passive. They continually propel the educator to a fuller understanding of what happens in the learning process" Tarini, Information about Bey may be found on this Web site: Para-proxemics refers to the "framing variable," that is the "choice of close-ups, medium shots or long shots" used to frame the portrayed scene that influences the viewers' perception and response to the image Meyrowitz, , p.
This notion infers that a documentary photograph is a "simple record. There is an argument among some contemporary researchers in the fields of visual anthropology and visual sociology, in particular, that the use of photographs as a central form of data is problematic Harper, Some of the arguments reviewed by Prosser include 1 photographs are too complex and ambiguous, 2 the act of taking photographs "alters the objective content and subjective meaning of the image.
However, teacher inquiry does not typically aim to prove or disprove a theory or to ensure that there is only one truth represented in a photograph. Rather, inquiry-oriented practice is a cyclical process from which teachers pose problems, questions, reflections, and challenge prior ways of thinking and practicing, as they represent and re-represent the extraordinary in the ordinary learning lives of teachers and children. Participatory appropriation is a "process by which individuals transform their understanding of and responsibility for activities through their own participation.. Grandpa said that he grew up in a house where there were 12 feet and 1 tail.
Who could have lived with Grandpa? This activity was taken from Young Children Reinvent Arithmetic: Implications of Piaget's Theory by Constance Kamii Image, object and interpretation. In Jon Prosser Ed. A sourcebook for qualitative researchers pp. A photographic analysis Vol. New York Academy of Sciences. The power of action through inquiry 2nd ed. Taking an inquiry stance in practice. Professional development that matters pp. Photography and visual anthropology.
In Paul Hockings Ed. Photography as a research method Rev. University of New Mexico Press. Using photography in art education research: International Journal of Art and Design Education, 22 1 , The history of ethnographic film. Anthropology and photography Enquiring teachers, enquiring learners: A constructivist approach for teaching. Recasting the Reggio Emilia approach: Defining ourselves through visual images and the multiple voices of collaborative research. Points of viewing children's thinking: A digital ethnographer's journey. Cultural representations and signifying practices.
France and Frenchness in postwar humanist photography. In Stuart Hall Ed. Cultural representations and signifying practices pp. An argument for visual sociology. The revision of vision. In Gyorgy Kepes, Language of vision. Rethinking curriculum in early childhood education. The art of classroom inquiry: A handbook for teacher-researchers Rev.
Young children reinvent arithmetic: Implications of Piaget's theory 2nd ed.
- Frequently bought together.
- Play and Narrative?
- You are here?
- Just One Touch (Mills & Boon Kimani) (Summer on Marthas Vineyard, Book 1).
Visual aspects of media literacy. Journal of Communication, 48 1 , Television and interpersonal behavior: Codes of perception and response. Interpersonal communication in a media world 3rd ed. Implications for the study and development of inquiry among early childhood preservice teachers: A report from one study. Journal of Early Childhood Teacher Education, 23 1 , Documenting individual and group learning as professional development. Project Zero and Reggio Children, Italy. Children as individual and group learners.
A sourcebook for qualitative researchers. Observing sociocultural activity on three planes: Participatory appropriation, guided participation, and apprenticeship. An introduction to the interpretation of visual materials. An introduction to visual culture. Innovations in Early Education: The International Reggio Exchange, 1 4 , Conditions and contexts for teacher inquiry: Systematic approaches to preservice teacher collaborative experiences. Manuscript submitted for publication. The partiality of photographic evidence. She teaches undergraduate and graduate courses on early childhood education, action research, and early learning environments and curriculum.
Her research interests include the study and development of teachers engaged in collaborative action research, the use of documentation as a tool for developing critical thinking among teachers, and the role of photography and film as languages of teacher inquiry. Tegano have developed Web-based approaches for helping preservice teachers develop critical thinking through visual literacy. Mary Jane Moran, Ph.
Tegano is an associate professor of early childhood education at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville, in the Department of Child and Family Studies. She teaches undergraduate and graduate courses on early childhood education, action research, and children's play. Her research interests include inquiry-based curriculum development, teachers' roles in promoting problem solving through play, and the role of photography and film as languages of teacher inquiry.
Mary Jane Moran have developed Web-based approaches for helping preservice teachers develop critical thinking through visual literacy. Tegano University of Tennessee Abstract This article presents one portrayal of the role of photography as a language of teacher inquiry. Photography as a Visual Language and Research Method From decades of research and practice in the fields of anthropology, sociology, and photojournalism, theoretical, conceptual, and practical understandings have emerged that can inform the use of photography as a language of contemporary teacher inquiry.
Photography as a Visual Language Photography is a visual language that shares some important characteristics with verbal language-both communicative and structural. The following questions emerged: If it is the photographer's story, then is anyone who views the slides without knowing the photographer's intent at risk for an inauthentic interpretation of meaning? Because we are a group of intersubjective viewers or striving to become such a group , to what degree can we understand the authentic meaning of the image for the children or adults in the picture?
Are we ever capable of being authentic in our interpretation? To whom does meaning belong?